Hence the goal of what Kimberlé Crenshaw calls “intersectionally minded reform”There are two reasons, however, why the commitment to economic diversity is doomed to fail. The second is more fundamental. But this book is superficial, serving up endless anecdotes while avoiding analysis beyond the usual themes of racism and political oppression. are the high-paying ones. Lenin and Nikolai Bukharin Even the Marxist anti-racist David Roediger thinks that “anti-capitalists” shouldn’t “sneer at” the goal of “evenly distribut[ing]” “poverty and inequality…across racial lines.” From his perspective, the problem is that “corporate embraces” of diversity “mask desires for the surplus value” it produceswhite wealth (and the bottom third—that’s about 60 million people—have basically no wealth at all). In other words, you’ll need to have a college degree for about 7.25 million of these jobs; for the other 30 million you don’t. Frazier is a rare figure, one of the very few African-Americans in the overwhelmingly white and male world of Fortune 500 companies, and he was widely praised at the time for, as some people put it, “speaking truth to power,” standing up against the administration’s willingness to countenance racism just as he had stood up against racism, sexism and homophobia in his own career. There was an error retrieving your Wish Lists. I’m happy to go out on a limb here and say that racism against white people has played absolutely no role in producing white poverty but (as this graph suggestsAnd we have already begun to see why this explanation makes sense to them. As Karen and Barbara Fields put it in their book We can see this ideological imperative—you’re a victim of discrimination or you’re not a victim—at work in the now 40-year obsession (both of its supporters and its critics) with affirmative action in college admissions. James 1939-1949 On this theory, the fact of being born poor is a problem in the way that the fact of being born Black or Latino or a woman can be—if it keeps you from having an equal opportunity to succeed. As in, we gave you the chance to get a first-rate education; if you couldn’t make it pay, that’s on you. Without a politics organized around class—fighting not for the interests of women of color but for the interests of personal care aides—the left, when it comes to economic inequality, is just the good conscience of the right.It’s impossible to overstate the degree to which this set of commitments has become hegemonic in the educational-financial complex. This scholarly, readable, and provocative book shows how the persistence of racism in America relies on the changing interests of those who hold the real power in society and use every possible means to hold onto it.Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Just in the couple of days after I finished this essay and before we put it up, one of our editors received a mass email from a diversity officer at his university (which shall be nameless but where the students have a median family income of $139,800) asking the question “What if workforce diversity is more than simply the right thing to do?” and inviting him to listen to a Mellon Foundation-financed panel discussion in which “experts across the corporate, academic, and media sectors discuss how organizations can leverage identity-and-cognitive based difference to better their bottom line.” (They call it “the diversity bonus.”) And at the same time another of our editors forwarded an article from nonsite.org is an online, open access, peer-reviewed quarterly journal of scholarship in the arts and humanities.nonsite.org is an online, open access, peer-reviewed quarterly journal of scholarship in the arts and humanities.A great artist can make art by simply casting a glance. Prime members enjoy FREE Delivery and exclusive access to music, movies, TV shows, original audio series, and Kindle books.
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